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The
Future of the NHS -
my analysis, comments and questions
Ideology and the NHS
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The Chambers 20C
Dictionary provides some meanings of ideology, including way of
thinking; body of ideas; and, visionary speculation.
The NHS
was founded on humanitarian ideals and as a hallmark of a
caring welfare state.
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Britain did not subscribe fully to
socialism.
A free market economy flourished alongside state-owned industries, which
included communications, utilities and key industries. The poor
were given equal opportunities through the Welfare State, enabling many individuals to enrich themselves materially,
socially and culturally. Successive governments, both Labour and
Conservative, continued with plans for improvement of the NHS. It
was Enoch Powell, then Conservative Minister for Health, who approved
the building of district general hospitals in major urban centres in his
ten-year Hospital Plan (1962).
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However,
NHS costs escalated as the range of services and treatments expanded, and
staff costs rose to keep pace with rising inflation. There was a
need to contain costs without compromising the range and quality of
services. By now, union-led pay bargaining and strikes were no
longer focused on social equality and social welfare.
The public were appalled by
The
Winter of Discontent
(en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Winter_of_Discontent) and the power of unions to cripple
British society and the economy. In 1979, they elected a Conservative government
under Mrs Thatcher. She set out to reign in the trade unions and
deal with inflation.
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Conservative ideology believes in
capitalism
- private ownership and enterprise within a free market economy.
It deplores state ownership and
intervention. So, it was not surprising that Mrs Thatcher's government
started to privatise the nationalised industries.
It was argued that competition will reduce costs and
improve quality. The NHS remained a state-funded institution but
Mrs Thatcher's government made some far-reaching changes:
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It
introduced competition by creating an internal market
with providers and purchasers. Health providers
had to become self-managing independent NHS Trusts. Health
authorities and GPs were given budgets to buy health care
from competing NHS Trusts and not just from local hospitals.
Patients were no longer getting equal treatment. But, Conservative ideology accepts that there will be inequalities within
such a system.
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It
encouraged the growth of a parallel private sector.
There was reduced funding for the NHS, with people losing
confidence in it as a public service. As waiting lists grew, patients paid to
jump queues to see their NHS consultants privately and get
treatment in pay beds within NHS hospitals.
Private medical insurance and private treatment centres were given
encouraged through tax relief. There was growing disparity in the treatment of
patients in Britain undermining the founding principles of the NHS.
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It
contracted out services (e.g. cleaning and laundry) to
private tenders. Thus began the fragmentation and
privatisation of the state-owned NHS.
The
Conservatives under John Major:
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established the
Private Finance Initiative
(society.guardian.co.uk/privatefinance/0,,390100,00.html - follow the links to PFI in NHS for an analysis of the pros and cons). This effectively means that
the government contracts to re-pay the costs of buildings, land and
some services over a period of 30 years or so. In theory, this is
like house owners taking out a long term mortgage to buy a house
from a builder. However, whereas you can sell your house, make
a profit and move up the property ladder - it is near impossible for
successive governments to get out of these custom project
contracts. This compromises the scope for policy change by future
governments. Many also argue that it would have been more cost
effective for government to borrow the money and undertake the
development itself (See
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Private_Finance_Initiative
and
Pollock
at www.cf.ac.uk/cplan/ri/lectures/pollock.html).
- The Old Labour
socialist ideology of
egalitarianism
with emphasis on equal opportunities funded the NHS
through general taxation. Times have changed. The masses
liberated from the poverty of their working-class origins by the Welfare
State are said to prefer
libertarianism,
which
values individual freedom and self- rather than state-determination.
- Within a bona-fide free market, libertarian patients will be expected to make payments
directly to health care providers for access to services and
treatments or they will secure these through private health insurance.
In Britain, some services (e.g. dentistry) and even prescriptions are
now only free to specified categories of people.
Others take out different levels of private insurance with
limited cover and pay the excess themselves. Not everyone in the
excluded category can afford these payments.
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When New Labour came to power in 1997, it held Old Labour votes by
pledging to do away with the
internal market, GP fund-holding and other libertarian policies.
Instead, New Labour's
plans for modernisation of the NHS are consolidating and
extending the Conservative reforms and business ethos. It has continued the
fragmentation and out-sourcing of services,
such as
medical supplies
(politics.guardian.co.uk/unions/story/0,,1877951,00.html). It has increased
the amount of money ploughed into the NHS but as Maynard (in Tempest, 2006:
Chap 13) and Pollock have pointed out, this may not improve the level or
equity of health care. Since 2004,
NHS Trusts (which
are already private corporations - en.wikipedia.org/wiki/NHS_Trust) have been encouraged to acquire
Foundation Trust
(Hospitals - en.wikipedia.org/wiki/NHS_Foundation_Hospitals) status to free them from central government
control and to give them greater financial freedom within
the health market. This fragmentation and piecemeal
privatisation of the NHS is being
resisted
(news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/health/6103290.stm) by
NHS unions.
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Patricia Hewitt (Tempest, 2006: 14) states that
the independent sector was only receiving 1% of the total NHS budget
in Jan 2006 but
that even such low levels had resulted in innovative
solutions to reducing waiting times (e.g. mobile surgeries for cataract
removal). Financial subsidies and
guaranteed work/payments are being offered to encourage private
sector provision. New Labour believes that individual patient-choice
and Payment by Results, with national tariffs
for treatments, will drive competition and modernisation. However,
it does not take much notice of
collective patient protests against the closure of more
conveniently located small local hospitals, especially in
non-Labour electoral units (e.g. Scarborough and Matlock). The Conservative leader dismisses the term ideology
(David Cameron, http://www.conservatives.com/tile.do?def=news.story.page&obj_id=127083,
Jan 2006) but shares New Labour's adoption of Mrs Thatcher's
visionary speculation (ideology).
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Steve Webb (Tempest, 2006: Chap 4),
Liberal Democrat, argues that this
pseudo-market approach will increase
inequalities in health care, increase the variability in standards
within the health service and lead to inefficiencies. He argues
that instead of allowing market mechanisms to drive under-performers
into a downward spiral, there should be greater emphasis on
co-operation, intelligent monitoring and sharing of best practice.
He cites Denmark to argue that a devolved state-funded NHS can retain a public service ethos
and be accountable to local people.
But, I wonder if localism will
create even greater disparities in provision across the
country.
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All
parties in Britain agree that the NHS should be funded by general
taxation. Maynard (in Tempest, 2006:
Chap 13) and Pollock point
out that this may not be due to humanitarian values since
libertarian lobbies (the medical profession, pharmaceuticals
and other groups) stand to benefit from a tax-funded NHS
health market. It provides a steady source of income
and profits which will not be guaranteed in a free
market economy.
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New Labour
will be revising its resource allocation formulae (for
distributing the NHS budget) since the poorest neighbourhoods were over
20% below their target funding level (Tempest, 2006: 10).
Conservative Andrew Lansley also cites examples of inequalities in services but his
complaint is that Primary Care Trusts in deprived areas
are receiving double the resources provided to those in healthier parts
of the country (Tempest, 2006: 20). Therefore, agreement
over the need for equitable healthcare distribution does not imply the
same outcomes under different parties, representing different
ideologically-inspired voters.
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The
NHS will not be able to provide complete cover in the future. Patients
will still have to take out private health insurance at premium rates if
they want the best available treatments. In the USA some 45 million citizens are
said to have no health insurance cover (Maynard in
Tempest, 2006: 287).
Will those who cannot 'pay' the premiums within a libertarian system,
have to be content with limited state provision in UK? Or, will
they have to rely on charitable organisations for access to necessary
treatments? Already, the
libertarian taxation system combined with an egalitarian benefits
culture is convincing those, for whom the sums just do not
make sense, to remain on benefits and engage in the black
economy and/or crime.
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New Labour
professes an egalitarian ideology with:
"We start with our values - the
values of a health service funded by all of us, available to each of us,
free at the point of treatment, with care based on our need and not our
ability to pay. These values are
non-negotiable."
(Hewitt, in Tempest, 2006: 7; revised version
at
www.dh.gov.uk/NewsHome/Speeches/SpeechesList/SpeechesArticle/fs/en?CONTENT_ID=4124484&chk=Pf+t+r).
All
parties echo these egalitarian values. But, it
looks like the two main parties believe that the best
way to achieve them is
through
libertarian values and policies. They believe that patient
choice (within the competitive internal health market
they have been cultivating) will drive The Future of the NHS.
However, there are
problems
(news.independent.co.uk/uk/health_medical/article2001506.ece) with funding, especially of the new expensive
treatments and drugs. This is leading to litigation
and regional variations in provision which makes an even
greater mockery of patient choice. Do we want equal
treatment or local editions of patient choice?
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government spending in other areas be pruned to increase the
NHS spend? Or, should direct and stealth taxes be
increased? What are the options and issues? Let
us look at what the experts say about alternative methods of
funding.
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